ABSTRACT
The study examines electoral violence and political apathy in both 2015 and 2019 general elections in Rivers state, Nigeria.
The study used quantitative method in the research.
The study revealed that; general elections since the fourth republic have been deeply enmeshed in series of violence before, during and after the elections; electoral violence contributed to why only 35.6% and 44% of registered voters voted in the 2019 and 2015 presidential election respectively; High rate of cult activities, arms proliferation, militarization, political party interferences and activities among others; although the level of turnout in the 2015 general elections was low, a dramatic decline was seen in the 2019 general election in the State.
Based on the four research objectives, the study concluded that electoral violence in the 2015 and 2019 elections affects voter apathy in Rivers state and, consequently, the credibility of the electoral system, the democratic system and the rule of law in the country. The study further recommended that; the actors should be identified and punished to serve as a deterrent to other intending perpetrators to reduce electoral violence and fraud, and encourage the masses participation in the political activities in the state; The root causes of violence in the state; the party leadership should not use the instrumentalities of the state to engage the services of state and non-state security agents to perpetuate electoral fraud, violence and deprive people their human rights in the political system of the state; the electoral body has to rise to the occasion of setting the electioneering guidelines for the political parties in order to prevent the outbreak of pre-election, election, and post-election violence; INEC should devise measures to ensure internal democracy among the existing political parties on aspect having to do with party primaries; government will be required to support INEC over the course of becoming independent.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
Democracy is the world’s most accepted system of government. This is because a core to the practice of democracy is citizens’ active involvement and participation in political and electoral matters. Therefore, it can be argued that citizen’s participation in elections is a necessary tool to sustain a democracy (Akinyemi, 2019). By definition, the broader concept of political participation, which includes electoral participation, consists of “legal activities by private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at influencing the selection of government personnel and the actions they take” (Verba et al., 1978, p. 46). It implies that every adult citizen has an important role to play in the choice of who governs either by contesting or by voting credible representatives to form the ruling class. In other words, every citizen must play a part in the democratic process.
Such process is supposed to be competitive, free, and fair both substantively and procedurally; and in which the ability of the elected representatives to exercise decision-making power is subject to the rule of law, and usually moderated by a constitution that emphasizes the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals, and which places constraints on the leaders and on the extent to which the will of the majority can be exercised against the rights of minorities.
Despite the legal framework that guides the electoral process, there is usually a contest between those who want to acquire power and those who are likely to lose power. The contest normally puts the toga of violence because some politicians usually want to cut corners. A cursory look at the democratic history of Nigeria reveals that of electoral cum political violence that sometimes threatens the country to its very foundation. This development, in part, had made democratic consolidation somehow problematic. It has made it difficult for Nigeria to be referred to as a democratic state even though operators vehemently lay claim to it (Obakhedo, 2011).
Since its return to electoral democracy in 1999, Nigeria’s elections have been characterized by voter apathy. A small percentage of the voting population actually vote, which is an affront to the idea of ‘majority rule’ which is one of the basic tenets of democracy. It follows that instead of majority rule, there is ‘minority rule’ in Nigeria. Reasons for this trend have been attributed to the spate of bombings, kidnapping, massive fraud and harassment associated with the electoral process in Nigeria. Voting, which is an important ingredient of democracy, is thus seen as the business of party supporters and political thugs who are paid peanuts to turn the whole process of election into a violence-packed political jamboree suitable for only fiendish individuals with violent minds (Amanyie, Bariledum and Lucky, 2015).
This unfortunate political trend in different parts of the country does not encourage popular participation in politics. Many Nigerians now see politics as a dirty game and so believe that active participation in political activities is tantamount to embarking on a journey of no return. The true meaning of politics has been wrongly interpreted by the attitudinal expressions of our politicians who venture into politics not with the mind to serve but to be served. They interpret politics to mean a platform for the selfish aggrandisement of wealth and fame. This ugly scenario has far-reaching implications for the nation’s nascent democracy particularly in the turnout of the people at the polls.
The voter apathy situation becomes direr when you consider the numbers that voted for the top two presidential candidates Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar during the 2019 Presidential Elections in Nigeria. Of the 28.6 million that voted, President Muhammadu Buhari of APC, the declared winner got 15,191,847 votes to beat his closest rival, Atiku Abubakar of PDP who polled 11,262,978 votes. As percentages of the registered voters, Buhari and Atiku were elected by a paltry 18.5% and 13.7% of the total registered voters. President Buhari was declared the winner because he polled the majority of the votes. But does that represent the opinion of the majority in the country? (Akinyemi, 2019).
With a 35% voter turnout, the country recorded the lowest turnout on the continent, which speaks to the growing public disenchantment and mistrust in the electoral process (Ojetunde, 2019). What this can only mean is that the lowest rate of voters’ turnout in the last election is a continuous spillover of the yet to be mitigated over time increase of voter apathy in Nigeria. It is against this concern that this study opines that until there is a drastic change around in the country’s electioneering process, this misfortune will continue to aggravate. In light of this, the study examines the trends, the dangers inherent, and the relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria by comparing the 2015 and 2019 General elections in Rivers state.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Prior to the 2011 election cycle, Rivers state had few reports of electoral violence. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was the only viable political party then and political competition was relatively low. In the intervening years leading up to the 2015 elections, support for the All Progressives Congress (APC) emerged, and it became a somewhat viable opposition to the PDP in the Rivers state. Worthy of note is that Rivers state is politically significant due to its size, location and natural resource wealth. The state receives the largest share of crude-oil-based national revenue, representing significant electoral value to any political party. A spike in political and election related violence during the 2015 elections was the outcome of an intense political opposition and quest for power (The Fund for Peace, 2018). Since 2015, the state has been the most dangerous place in Nigeria to conduct elections, according to Egbejule (2019).
As gubernatorial candidates vie for control of Rivers in 2019, ongoing grievances within each of the state’s three senatorial districts (Rivers South-East, Rivers West, and Rivers East) fuelled more violence The senatorial zoning system increased perceptions of group marginalisation within certain communities. Violence claimed the life of an ad-hoc staff in River state according to the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission by political thugs while a number of electoral staff and civilians sustained various degree of injuries (Ajayi, 2019). Despite police claims of increased security measures to ensure peaceful voting, incidents of violence and intimidation, there were reports of low voter turnout and violence at the gubernatorial elections. The state security personnel, responsible for securing the environment for a credible election, were again at the centre of controversies. Allegations of partisanship trailed the conduct of the security agencies to such extent that the public perceived the large presence of the security agencies as a calculated strategy to intimidate voters (Onapajo and Babalola, 2020).
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The primary objective of this study is to examine electoral violence and political apathy in both 2015 and 2019 General elections in Rivers State Nigeria. To achieve this objective, the following secondary objectives would be to:
- examine the causes of political apathy and electoral violence in Rivers state.
- exanine the extent to which electoral violence in Nigeria has triggered political apathy.
- examine the nature and trends of electoral violence in Nigeria.
- evaluate the relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in Rivers state.
- suggest recommendations that might improve political participation as an antidote to electoral violence in Nigeria.
1.4 Research Questions
i. What are the causes of political apathy and electoral violence in Rivers state, Nigeria?
ii. To what extent has the various incidences of electoral violence in Nigeria triggered political apathy?
iii. What is the nature and trend of electoral violence in Nigeria?
iv. How has electoral violence caused political apathy in Rivers state?
v. How can political participation in Nigeria be improved upon to curb incidences of electoral violence?
1.5 Significance of the Study
The research study on electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria will be of immense benefit to the government, electoral bodies, and other stakeholders not just in Rivers State but the nation as a whole. Since the study seeks to explore electoral violence and how it influences political apathy, the findings will unveil the causes of electoral violence and proffer a lasting solution to the issue of political apathy. The study will also serve as a repository of information to future investigations on this research topic. Simply put, the study will contribute a great deal to the existing literature on electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria.
1.6 Scope of the Study
This study focuses on electoral violence and political participation in Rivers state. Political participation will be determined in this study by the level of voter turnout for public elections while electoral violence will be measured by the extent of violence that constitutes threat, intimidation or assault to mar the electoral process (pre-election, during the election, and post-election). In terms of political participation, the study covers the General Elections comprising both the governorship and presidential elections of 2015 and 2019 in Rivers state.
1.7 Methodology
The selected methodology for this study is the qualitative research. Using the qualitative research approach, the study will make use of documentary method in an attempt to provide answers to the research questions. The documentary method is a form of qualitative research in which secondary data are interpreted by the researcher to give voice and meaning around a research area. Data generated by people closest to the phenomenon under study, i.e. electoral violence and voter apathy in Rivers state and, indeed, Nigeria as a whole will be relied upon in this study. Secondary data sources for this study will include institutional reports from the Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), journals, articles, conference papers, and online reports.
1.8 Definition of Terms
Violence: It is defined as an unjust exercise of power aimed at causing apprehension, bodily harm, desecration, or even death.
Electoral violence: is any harm or threat of harm to any person or property involved in the electoral process or to the electoral process itself during election periods.
Political apathy: is a feeling of disinterest or apathy towards politics. It can be categorized as the indifference of an individual and a lack of interest in participating in political activities.
Democracy: it is defined as the form of political life in which the ruling power of state is constitutionally vested not in any particular class or classes, but in the members of the state as a whole and the people exercise the power through their representatives
Security: It is the freedom from, or resilience against, potential harm or other unwanted coercive change caused by others.
Political party: It is a formal organization, whose primary objective is to nominate candidates for election to public office, with the intention of gaining control of the personnel, policies and decision-making processes of government, in order to realize an ideal, pursue a programme of action or to achieve politically significant values.
1.9 Chapter Outlines
The first chapter introduces the topic of the research which is electoral violence and political apathy in Nigeria. It gives a brief background of the study, the objectives and research questions, the scope of study, the statement of problem, the significance of study and the definition of terms. The second chapter which is the literature review provides an in-depth review of different key concepts on the subject matter along with relevant theories. In chapter three, the study will present an analysis into the various incidences of electoral violence in Nigeria and how these incidences have triggered political apathy in the country. In chapter four, a more specific analysis would be done by focusing on Rivers state Nigeria which is the case study. Chapter five, which is the last chapter will then conclude the study based on the outcome of the analysis from chapter three and four. In this chapter, relevant recommendations in relation to the research objectives will also be provided.
