ABSTRACT
Nigeria and South Africa has enjoyed very good relations in the time past especially taking the various contributions of Nigeria during the apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa into consideration. With the successful dismantling of apartheid and the consequent entrenchment of black majority rule, South Africa is supposed to see Nigeria as a good brother and a major contributor to the dismantling of white minority rule in the country. Despite that, recent attacks on Nigerians under the guise of xenophobic diaspora are affecting the Nigeria South Africa relations. This study is examining the implications of xenophobic diaspora on Nigeria South Africa relations. The researcher adopted a qualitative analysis method dwelling majorly on empirical analysis. The research offer analysis into the political, economic and socio-cultural implications of xenophobic diaspora on Nigeria South Africa relations. It also examine the solution to the crisis. The outcome reveals that the attacks on Nigerians and other foreigners especially Africans might not be unconnected with the rising wave of crime and criminality in South Africa attributed to foreigners, the high unemployment rate among the youths in South African who hitherto visit their venom on their African brothers who are enterprising and wealthy in their land. The study however recommends increasing and constant diplomatic engagement between Nigeria and South Africa as a solution.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
Over the past years, Nigeria and South Africa have enjoyed a very good and healthy relationship. Being the two nations within the African continent that enjoy very unique characteristics (Nigeria being the most populated and South Africa most developed), other African countries look up to them to advance the course of development in the continent (Bond, 2000). During the era of white minority rule with its dehumanizing apartheid policy, Nigeria was at the fore-front for the dismantling of the apartheid regime and contributed immensely toward the eventual realization of black majority rule in South Africa. The friendly relationship between Nigeria and South Africa became even more pronounced with the restoration of black rule in South Africa and the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the Republic of South Africa (Bond, 2000).
However, not too long after the restoration of black majority rule in South African which Nigeria was a major contributor, the relationship between the two countries experienced various hiccups thereby graduating from cooperation to competition within the African continent. This obvious battle for supremacy between both countries had seen them take opposing stand in key regional issues in Africa (Adewale, 2017). However, the latest wave of violent attacks on the Nigerians living in South Africa which has been described as Xenophobic attacks has generated local and international condemnation (Adewale, 2017).
Hannatu (2013) observed that some areas in the past have taken centre stage in the supremacy battle between Nigeria and South Africa. He pointed out the South Africa’s criticisms and backing Nigeria’s expulsion from the common wealth of Nations in 1995 after the execution of the famous Ogoni 8 and Nigeria’s response in withdrawing from participating in the 1996 African cup of Nation hosted by South Africa. Also, disagreement between both countries via disparate approaches in tackling the post-election conflicts in Ivory Coast, while Nigeria adopted a belligerent posture towards Laurent Gbagbo, who refused to concede defeat after losing the country’s election. South Africa provocatively sent a warship to the Gulf of Guinea in Nigeria’s traditional domain/stronghold; however South Africa belatedly recognized Allassane Quattara’s victory. Furthermore, they both have opposing stance over the embattled late Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi and the recognition of the government of the Transitional National Council (TNC) during the Libyan revolution. While Nigeria recognized he TNC based on the African Union Constitutive Act Principle section 14, South Africa back the embattled Gaddafi regime saying TNC was illegal and the 2012 salient diplomatic clash between both courtiers at the AU summit in January, over recognition of the government in Guinea-Bissau which Nigeria was supporting and South Africa was opposing. Also, the 2012 deportation of 125 Nigerians including legislators on the unsubstantiated claim of fake yellow fever vaccination cards and Nigeria’s response in deporting 84 South Africans in 2 days, forcing South Africa to apologize, all these are indications of poor relations (Hannatu, 2013).
Consequently, the perennial spate of attacks on foreign-owned shops in some South African townships raises uncomfortable questions about xenophobia in South Africa. Xenophobia is a dislike and/or fear of that which is unknown or different from one. It comes from the Greek words (xenos), meaning “stranger,” “foreigner” and (Phobos), and meaning “fear.” The term is typically used to describe a fear or dislike foreigners or of people significantly different from oneself, usually in the context of visibly differentiated minorities (Shinsana, 2008). It is more broadly defined in the Dictionary of Psychology (1978) as “a fear of strangers”.
Post apartheid South Africa has enjoyed about two decades of majority rule on the basis of a constitution which declares, as one of its fundamental principles and goals, the achievement of a non-racial society. However, in spite of the efforts to create “the rainbow nation”, neither the question of race nor the questions of class and gender oppression and exploitation have ceased to be central in contemporary South Africa (Hendricks, 2005; Trimikliniotis, 2008). Indeed, the defeat of apartheid, the bastion of state-organized racism, a regime based explicitly on racist institutionalization, and its replacement by the “new South Africa” is indicative of how race and racism remain operational forces even after they have officially been declared dead. There is no consensus as to the current transitional state of affairs; for 20 years after African National Congress (ANC) took over from white nationalist/racist minority rule, there is considerable debate as to the direction, pace and nature of the post-apartheid regime (Trimikliniotis et al, 2008).
However, the level of the supremacy battle between Nigeria and South Africa, and their general hatred for non-natives has made the concept of xenophobic diaspora more terrible on Nigerians. It would be recalled that between May and June 2008, there were 135 separate violent incidents that left 62 people dead, at least 670 wounded and unfortunately, dozens were carnally assaulted and many properties destroyed and looted. In addition, the South Africa domestic environment has been hostile to non- nationals particularly, undocumented migrants and there is implicit culture of impunity, which encourages mob justice in most communities. Interestingly, South African state security institutions such as the police and immigration services show no sympathy to black settlers from other African countries; the xenophobia appears institutionalized. All the these are worth considering in this study with a view of ascertaining its effect on Nigeria relations
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
In effect, recent waves of xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa bring into stark reality the preponderance of Nigerian business community in post apartheid South African economy. The attacks in which more than 60 persons were killed and thousands displaced attracted diplomatic intervention by the Nigerian state. In that wake of the violent xenophobic attack, many lost their properties and their shops were looted; an indication of an orchestrated attack on the businesses of Nigerians in South Africa (Alli, 2008).
Nigerians have protested against the alleged stigmatization, discrimination, and humiliation by government departments, agencies and officials of the South African state. The protest march which eventually continue in Nigeria with the intention of persuading the Nigerian government to react by stopping South African businesses operating in Nigeria (Vanguard Editorials, August 13 & 14, 2013). However, the Nigerian government chose to be cautious and observe proceedings before making official decision on the matter, since the event had occurred shortly after a major diplomatic strain in her relations with South Africa over yellow fever cards.
In view of this background, this research examines the implications of the xenophobia diaspora on South Africa-Nigeria relations given the dynamism that governs the countries’ diplomatic engagements in recent time.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The following are the objectives of this study:
- To examine the concept of xenophobic diaspora.
- To analyze the causes of xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa.
- To examine the implications of xenophobic attacks on Nigeria-South Africa relations.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
- What is the meaning of xenophobic diaspora?
- What are the causes of xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa?
- What are the implications of xenophobic attacks on Nigeria-South Africa relations?
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The findings from this study will constitute an eye opener for the government and policy makers in Nigeria and the general public on the real meaning of xenophobic diaspora, its causes and its implications on the socio-political and economic relations of Nigeria and South Africa.
The study will further educate on the history of Nigeria and South Africa relations considering the previous roles of Nigeria in fighting for South Africa during the dark days of apartheid rule. This work will also serve as a contribution to an already existing body of knowledge.
1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Methodology is part of the research that shows the ways and approaches of collecting the data (Oliver, 2004). This research is primarily qualitative as it is based on the concept of xenophobic diaspora and its implications on Nigeria-South Africa relations. The reason for choosing the qualitative analysis strategy is the exploratory and the qualitative nature of study. According to Robson (1993), flexibility is always the main strength of the case study strategy in terms of interpretation and getting access to the specified places. The research is a based on secondary data. We used document analysis/content analysis as main method of data collection. Document analysis/content analysis also called “textual analysis” (Travers, 2001) in the study will include all kinds of academic articles, textual and multi-media products, ranging from television programmes to web sites on the internet
1.7 SOURCES OF DATA
In the course of research for this work relevant data and information were obtained from the main sources. These were primary and secondary source.
1. Primary Sources:
Primary sources which were utilized in the course of the research for this work from archival research. Material was consulted at the National Library, Benin City, Edo State. They include report on the concept of xenophobic diaspora and its implications on Nigeria-South Africa relations and other documents relating to this works.
2. Secondary Source:
Secondary source which consulted in some university and public libraries across the country include textbooks, journals and periodicals information obtained from primary sources. These sourced helped to provide data and information relating to the concept of xenophobic diaspora and its implications on Nigeria-South Africa relations.
1.8 SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
This study is limited to the concept of xenophobic diaspora and its implications on Nigeria-South Africa relations. It will also cover the historical overview of the Nigeria-South Africa relations.
The major constraint encountered during the course of this study is the management of data, this is to say that the plethora of writing exist on top (Xenophobic diaspora and its implication on Nigeria-South Africa relation) that a lot of time was spent trying to get the most appropriate for the work at hand.
Finance also poses a formidable limitations, as the researcher attracted no grants from any quarters. The researcher had to adopt possible means to elicit the necessary information from books, print media computer and respondents as most of them wouldn't comply, he also traveled repeatedly out of school to get those pieces of information.
Time Factor: the duration of this research is just very short and the research has struggled amidst other academic commitment thus cause an all night and day put to tie the project together.
1.9 DEFINITION OF TERMS
Xenophobia: dislike of or prejudice against people from other countries.
Apartheid: a policy or system of segregation or discrimination on grounds of race.
Diaspora: the dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland.
